viernes, 23 de abril de 2021

The Sarmatians 600 BC - AD 450













 

Qué es Madrid

 https://www.huffingtonpost.es/entry/madrid-4m-radiografia_es_60771e5de4b0293a7edd5eda

19/04/2021

Qué es Madrid

4-M: radiografía de una comunidad que se ha convertido en la locomotora económica de España en la que campa a sus anchas la desigualdad.

 

Antonio Ruiz Valdivia

 

“Madrid, en expresión del interés nacional y de sus peculiares características sociales, económicas, históricas y administrativas, en el ejercicio del derecho a la autonomía que la Constitución Española reconoce y garantiza, es una Comunidad Autónoma que organiza su autogobierno de conformidad con la Constitución Española y con el presente Estatuto, que es su norma institucional básica”.

 

Así se define la propia Comunidad en el artículo uno de su Estatuto. De manera muy madrileña, sin preámbulos, directa, sin hablar de naciones o realidades nacionales, pero dejando claro que es algo “peculiar” y con los rasgos que la marcan: su sociedad, su economía, su historia y la administración. Una autonomía que estuvo también a punto de no serlo, ya que en los debates previos se barajaron otras opciones como su inclusión dentro de Castilla-La Mancha o la creación de un gran distrito federal, mirando como espejos a México o Washington.

 

Al final, Madrid se encajó como comunidad, no aprobándose su Estatuto hasta el año 1983 -el último junto a Castilla y León-, ya que no tenía ni órgano preautonómico. Una historia muy diferente a la de hoy, en la que se ha construido con los años esa imagen de autonomía, esa identidad como unidad dominada desde el año 1995 por el Partido Popular. Desde entonces se ha venido trabajando por un modelo de corte neoliberal, en el que la administración intenta presentarse como palanca económica del sector privado. La propia web de la región lo dice tal cual: “Un Gobierno Regional dedicado a la mejora continua del clima de negocios y atento a las necesidades del inversor”.

 

Madrid es hoy por hoy la gran locomotora económica del país, un título que arrebató hace tres años a Cataluña, lastrada por el proceso independentista. Según los datos del INE, el PIB de Madrid cerró en 2019 con un valor de 239.878 millones de euros (el 19,3% del PIB nacional) frente a los 236.739 millones de euros de Cataluña (19%). Los madrileños también son los más ricos de los españoles, con un PIB per cápita situado en 35.876 euros por habitante (lo que supone un 35,7% más de la media nacional, que estaba en 26.438 euros).

 

Una historia de riqueza, lujo… y mucha desigualdad. Dentro de la propia autonomía se notan las diferencias. Figuran algunos de los municipios más ricos de España, llenos de mansiones y coches de lujo, como Pozuelo, con una renta media de 79.506 euros, seguido de Boadilla del Monte (61.910 euros), Alcobendas (60.842 euros) y Majadahonda (54.506 euros), según datos de la Agencia Tributaria. Unas cifras que marean a los núcleos en la cola, como Cenicientos (18.818 euros), Villaconejos (19.707 euros) y Estremera (20.430 euros).

 

Una autonomía en la que cada día es más patente la diferencia entre clases. Según el Informe FOESSA presentado por Cáritas, la desigualdad entre el 20% de los más ricos y el 20% de los más pobres en Madrid es la más alta en toda España. Un millón de personas está en situación de exclusión social en la región (el 16,2% de la población). De ellos, 490.000 están en “exclusión severa”: acumulan tantos problemas en la vida diaria que no tienen la oportunidad de construir un proyecto vital estructurado. En los últimos diez años, la renta media de la población ha crecido un 2%, mientras que entre los más pobres ha bajado un 30%. Y como gran causa de exclusión social: la vivienda.

 

En Madrid hay datos durísimos, como recoge el informe, como que existen 167.000 hogares en situación de hacinamiento, 315.000 hogares se quedan por debajo del umbral de la pobreza severa una vez se han pagado los gastos de vivienda y 219.000 hogares están en situación de vivienda inadecuada. Una realidad que no se quiere visibilizar en las grandes campañas, y que lleva a que en 161.000 hogares se haya dejado de comprar medicinas, seguir tratamientos o dietas por problemas económicos. Unas diferencias económicas y sociales que se dejan ver incluso hasta en la esperanza de vida, de hasta diez años entre barrios dentro de Madrid capital (la media de esperanza en Amposta -San Blas- es de 78,4 años frente a los 88,7 del barrio de El Goloso -Fuencarral/El Pardo).

 

¿Y a qué se dedica Madrid? Según los datos proporcionados por la Comunidad de Madrid en su portal, el 87% del valor añadido bruto es por el sector servicios. A nadie le puede extrañar la campaña por los bares y la apertura de comercios lanzada por Isabel Díaz Ayuso (buscando esos millones de votos). Por detrás, con una distancia brutal están otros sectores: industria (8%) y construcción (5%).

 

“Madrid es la almendra de la M-30 y el aeropuerto. Vive de esto. También tiene las grandes sedes de las multinacionales. Tiene una conectividad con América Latina. La ciudad funciona, con Carmena o con Almeida”, explica el economista José Carlos Díez sobre el modelo económico imperante. “La parte privada funciona muy bien”, añade, para luego decir que le falta “un plan”: “Las universidades no están bien dotadas, la parte del ecosistema de innovación tampoco, tiene mucho más potencial de lo que se aprovecha”. “Debería aspirar a ser un gran hub digital europeo y mundial, atraer más nómadas europeos y empresas del mundo digital. Y debería ser más generosa y compartir más con el resto de España. No tiene gran sentido que lo centralices todo cuando eres un gran hub de servicios que vive del resto de España”, concluye, para luego apreciar que cree que el ‘sorpasso’ a Cataluña se debe más por el procés que por los méritos de Madrid.

 

La comunidad tiene también ese efecto “capitalidad” de la que se quejan otras autonomías. Decir Madrid es decir poder en un Estado muy centralizado. Todas las grandes instituciones están en la villa y corte: desde la corona hasta el Gobierno pasando por las Cortes Generales, los grandes tribunales y hasta las grandes empresas públicas. Esto hace también que el sector privado se decante por la comunidad (los principales bancos tienen sus cuarteles generales como el Santander, el BBVA, Bankinter y el Popular, al igual que el mundo financiero con la Bolsa y el Ibex). Se sitúa como la cuarta ciudad europea con sede de multinacionales, después de Londres, París y Ámsterdam, según la lista FORTUNE Global 500.

 

Esto lleva a que muchas veces Madrid se crea el centro del país, el centro del debate, creándose una burbuja que no tiene mucho que ver con el resto de la nación. La politóloga Ana Sofía Cardenal lo explica así: “Madrid juega un papel importantísimo porque es la capital política y porque hoy es un motor económico. Siempre ha concentrado a todas las instituciones del Estado, esto no ha cambiado, pero hoy sabemos que tiene una capacidad de atraer inversiones. Ahora ya es motor económico, que no lo había sido tradicionalmente”.

“Esta cosa de Madrid como modelo económico tiene un efecto polarizador territorial. Madrid tiene un Estado detrás, y Barcelona, no. Esto puede hacer hasta más difícil arreglar el problema territorial”, considera, antes de incidir en que en la comunidad el Partido Popular tiene “su laboratorio”. “Pero esto puede ser contraproducente porque puede hacer que otras comunidades -en esto ha estado Cataluña siempre sola- se alíen para hacer contrapeso. Hace falta hacerlo”, agrega.

 

Esto, por ejemplo, ya se ve en que en el Parlamento hay partidos de la periferia que “se siente olvidada”, añade. “Esto podría ir a más y fortalecerse”, continúa esta politóloga. “Madrid no es España”, subraya Cardenal ante esa burbuja de políticos y medios. Y hace una reflexión: “En Madrid el PP es hegemónico, pero el Gobierno central es de izquierdas y se apoya en partidos de ámbito periférico territorial. Esto te demuestra que Madrid no es España. Esto podría acabar consolidándose”. “El PP no puede exportar este modelo a otros territorios porque no tienen la riqueza de Madrid, ese efecto capitalidad”, hilvana la politóloga y profesora de la UOC.

 

En el estado autonómicos, las comunidades tienen dos columnas principales en la gestión del Estado del Bienestar: la sanidad y la educación. Madrid, según el último informe del Ministerio de Sanidad publicado en marzo de este año y con datos de 2019, es la segunda que menos gasta en sanidad por habitante (1.340 euros). En concreto, se destinaron de las arcas públicas 8.962 millones de euros, un 3,7% del PIB. Es el porcentaje más ínfimo de las autonomías (la media nacional es del 5,6% y, por ejemplo, Extremadura dedicó un 8,6%).

 

En Educación también está a la cola en el gasto medio por alumno. Según los últimos datos del Ministerio de Educación, en la Comunidad de Madrid se sitúa en 4.593 euros por estudiante no universitario en la región, mientras que el País Vasco (líder en este sector) se superan los 9.000, el doble.

 

Ellos son el futuro de una comunidad, que ahora tiene una media de edad de casi 42 años y que envejece cada día más (en 1998 la media estaba en los 38 años). Uno de los factores claves para intentar rejuvenecer la región es la inmigración. En el último informe de población extranjera -actualizado a enero de 2020- se recoge que el 15% de la población es de nacionalidad extranjera (1.026.33 de los 6.877.957 ciudadanos). La medida de edad de los nacidos fuera es de 34,9 años y los sietes grupos con más presencia son los rumanos (18,2%), marroquíes (8,2%), chinos (6,4), colombianos (6,2%), venezolanos (6%), peruanos (4,2%) e italianos (4%).

 

Una radiografía de Madrid en la que hay que detenerse también en la religión, con una Iglesia que siempre ha tenido un enorme peso en esta comunidad. Según el último estudio del Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS), ahora mismo el grupo que predomina es el de los agnósticos/indiferentes/ateos, que representan el 38,7%, por delante de los católicos no practicantes (38,5%), los católicos practicantes (18,2%) y los creyentes de otras religiones (2,9%).

 

Madrid, ese magma, ese rompeolas de todas las Españas. Esa burbuja que tiene que ir ahora a votar.


miércoles, 21 de abril de 2021

Roman Heavy Cavalry (2) AD 500-1450





Plate A. THE 6th CENTURY

(1) Boukellarios, AD 534
This ‘extra-heavy' armoured cavalryman of a general's retinue is reconstructed partly from the Isola Rizza silver dish. His gilded four-band Spangenhelm helmet with cheek-guards is copied from the Torricella Peligna specimen. His lamellar armour is based on Romano-Lombard finds from Grave 90 at Castel Trosino: a heavy lorica made of rectangular lamminae, connected to one another with iron wire. It is worn together with a mail gauntlet, found in the same grave. His long kòntos lance has a Mediterranean foliate head typical of the spearheads produced in the factories of the Roman Empire, although also found in Lombard graves.

(2) Bandophoros of a Magister Militum, 554
From Procopius, we learn that the cavalry trooper wore lamellar and mail armour for his body and legs. Strapped to his left shoulder under his cloak is a small circular shield without a handle, to protect the face and neck - probably originally of Hunnic origin. In addition to his sword, he carries a spear or lance, which in this man's case flies the bandon or standard of his theatre-commanding general. Note his raised saddle decoration in gold, copied from the Nocera Umbra graves.

(3) Boukellarios, 575–600
Based upon the Emperor Mavrikios (Maurice's) description in his military manual, the Strategikon, this heavy cavalryman of the Bucellarii wears a hooded, ankle-length coat of mail, with a gorget of Avar type, and tufts at the shoulders, covered by a riding-coat. The helmet is based on the segmented metal and horn specimen in Cologne Museum. In the manual, armoured gauntlets (cheiromanika) are specifically associated with the Bucellarii; see page 14 for specimen recently found in Sochi. Obscured here, on his right side, are a composite bow (toxarion) in a bowcase (thékarion) and quiver (koukouron) slung from his waist belt, His primary weapons are the cavalry lance (kontarion kaballarikon), furnished with a leather carrying strap, backed up by a sword (spathion) of Corinth typology.





Plate B. THE 7th CENTURY
(1) Emperor Heraclius, Persian campaign, AD 623
Heraclius wears a wide linen and wool tunic (zôstarion) of Avar fashion, long enough to cover the cavalryman's knees when on horseback. The mail-coat is three layers thick (lorikion o zabe trimiton), and is worn with a round gorget (peritrachlion stroggylion) and a cape (skaplion). The separate shoulder guards are ornamented with small purple flammoulai. He is armed (according to Georgios of Pisidia, Expeditio Persica, III, 84) with a bow (tòxon) and round buckler (aspis) in addition to a lance and sword. The emperor's magnificent lamellar helmet (kassis) is copied from the specimen found in Stara Zagora but is here gilded, and has decorative tufts attached to the cheek-guards. His grey horse (adèstraton) has a saddle composed of two parts, and is protected on the neck and breast with felt armour in the Avar style.

(2) Ippeus enoploos (cataphract cavalryman) Optimatoi (Gotho-Graeci)
This elite cavalryman is copied from the decoration on the Caucasus Spangenhelm of Baldenheim typology (see page 42), which is reconstructed upon his head. His armour is mainly a ring-mail zaba, except for splint armour protecting his arms and legs; his armoured gloves are war-booty from Sassanian Iran. Following the prescriptions in the Strategikon, his war horse is fitted with a substantial curb bit (psàlion), and stirrups (skalai) hang from the saddle; it is protected by a prometopidion (nose-piece), peritrakélion (neck protection), and a stetistèrion (breast protection). Decorative tufts (touphai) are attached to the front (antelìnos) and back (opistelìnos) harness straps, and under the muzzle (koruphe). Note the gold decoration on the front of the saddle, which would have an embroidered episèllion, and saddlebag for subsistence kit (sellapougghion). The appliqué decorations on the large shield are from the Martinovka treasure.




Plate C. THE 8th–9th CENTURIES
(1) Katáphraktos of Exkoubitores regiment, early 8th century
This elite imperial guardsman is reconstructed from paintings in the Church of Sta Maria Antiqua in Rome, dated to AD 705–707, and from equipment found in the Cripta Balbi. His iron helmet, of two-piece construction with a riveted band from brow to nape, follows Late Roman tradition. Its riveted nasal bar and attached mail covering the face and neck are based on an 8th-century Eastern Roman specimen found in Praha-Stromovka. The plate armour (sidherotoraka) is confirmed by 8th-century sources, artistic works, and archaeological fragments. The armour of wealthy officers was often embossed with precious metal decorations in the form of small animal or human heads. Note the bosses on his fabric forearm protection, and his expensive sabre (machaira) copied from a Crimean specimen.

(2) Bulgarian boyar, early to mid-8th century
This figure is reconstructed from finds among the Nagyszentmisklos treasure. The Bulgarians were allied to the Empire against the Arab attacks in 717, and their noblemen wore armour like that of the Eastern Roman katáphraktoi, combining ring-mail, scale, and splint protection.

(3) Ippeus of the Ikanátoi regiment, 801
From miniatures in the Vatopedi and Chludov Psalters, realized in Constantinople early in the 9th century and therefore mirroring, in all probability, the equipment of the imperial Tàghmata units. The interchange of military technology between the Roman and Khazar empires is reflected in his shoulder-guards, arm protectors (cheiropsella), and greaves (podopsella), from Gelendjik in the Kuban region. The mail protection of the feet is from Bulgarian finds in the Kyulevcha necropolis.




Plate D. THE 9th–10th CENTURIES
(1) Katáphraktos of Tàghmata, c. AD 880–900
In his treatise Taktikà, the Emperor Leo VI the Wise describes the equipment that should be provided to the heavy armoured horseman. He stipulates that the chief distinction between the units of katáfraktoi and other types of cavalry (mè katáfraktoi) is the former's complete armour for both the rider and his horse. The warrior's ankle-length ring-mail zàba could be hitched up to a belt by means of thongs or straps and rings, which distributed some of the weight from the man's shoulders.

(2) Katáphraktos of Themata, c. AD 900–950
This provincial cavalryman is reconstructed according to the Sylloge Tacticorum (39, 1). but mainly from paintings in the Çavuşin Church at Göreme in Cappadocia. The Sylloge states that: ‘The cavalry should be armed in this manner... the lances should be of eight cubits, having small pennons, and points of one span or more. The armour should be mail... or klivánia made of iron or horn; or even long tunics made of cotton and raw silk, having openings at the elbows [i.e. with slit, hanging sleeves]…. In addition, they should also wear surcoats which have plumes or tassels at the shoulders. ' To this description the author adds cheiropsella on the arms and podopsella on the legs (of iron, wood, or processed ox-hide); a double-edged sword hung from the shoulder, a single-edged sword attached to the belt, and an iron mace on the saddle. A polished, plumed helmet ‘fully covering' the head completed the equipment.





Plate E. THE 10th CENTURY
(1) Katáphraktos klibanophoros of the Athanatoi regiment
According to the treatises of Phokás and Ouranós, the katáphraktoi were the best-equipped soldiers in the army. Here we attempt a reconstruction of a cavalryman of the ‘Immortals' regiment of the imperial Tàghmata putting on his equipment, according to archaeological finds in the Balkans and the description by Phokás: 1 Each warrior must have a klivánion, [which] should have manikia (armoured sleeves) down to the elbows. Below the elbows they should have mahikélia. Both these and the skirts hanging (κρεμάσματα) from the klivánion must have ζαβαι and are made of coarse silk (κουκολιον) or cotton (βαμβάκιον), as thick as can be stitched together.' Also note the padded phakeolion which was worn under the helmet, and the flamouliskia decorating the méla of his klivánion.

(2) Douloi servants
Each elite cavalryman would normally have to provide at least two squires (also variously known as paides, pallikes, or hypourgoi) accompanying him on campaign to act as field servants and ‘armour-bearers', and the number increased during the Macedonian dynasty. We copy the squires' dress from the Menologion of Basil II; it comprises a tunic (kamision), tight trousers (anaxyrida) and boots (kampotouvia)).

(3) Armoured horse
The lamellar armour from Strugosjata in present-day Macedonia shows scales about 9.5cm (3.7 ins) long, which suggests the possibility that it comes from a horse-armour. Note the usual protections of head, neck, breast and sides, and the decorative hanging touphai (tufts).




Plate F. THE 11th–12th CENTURIES
(1) Katáphraktos, c.1000–1025
This reconstruction follows the Taktikà of Nikêphóros Ouranós, a general who served Basil II ‘the Bulgar-Slayer' (976–1025). Note the splendid epilorikion, copied from paintings at Karanlik Kilise, Cappadocia (St Evstratios) and the chapel de fer helmet from 12th-century miniatures. The primary weapon might still be either a lance or a composite bow. The sources characterize their horses as powerful and bold. Two types of horse-armour are mentioned, both being fastened together to cover the head, neck, and body down to the knees; one type was made from quilted felt or pieces of hardened leather, the other from buffalo-hide.

(2) Macedonian Pronoiarios Katáphraktos, mid-12th century
The reforms of John (Iohannes) II Komnenos (1087–1143) following the disaster of Manzikert, and of his son Manuel I (1143–80), are evident in the equipment of this warrior serving in return for a land-grant. Note again the long, convex, almond-shaped shield, and the ring-mail chausses, based on a find from the Bracigovo area. His head protection, from the specimen from Branicevo, is typically Eastern Roman, and Emperor Manuel is recorded as wearing this when he fought in single combat against the Zupan of Serbia. Kinnamos (III, 9) and Choniates (92. 39) both mention full mail aventails on cavalry helmets, and, specifically, that when the emperor received a sword-blow to the face, he suffered no serious injury even though the rings (κρίκοι) of his mail were driven into his flesh by the impact.

(3) Heavy cavalryman of the Cherson Thema, 1180
This provincial Thematic cavalryman is taken from one of the specimens of decorated sgraffito pottery found in the city of Cherson, with a combination of lorikion and klivánion as his main body-armour. The archaeology on which we draw for this reconstruction is mainly from local finds in Cherson and in nomad graves. The equipment – such as the helmet and horse-harness from Anapa – was probably loaned or gifted by Byzantium to warriors serving as mercenaries in the imperial army.




Plate G. THE 13th CENTURY
(1) Kipchak mercenary, Empire of Nicaea, c. 1210–1250
These Turkic nomad warriors were employed by Nicaean armies, fighting as horse-archers but also as heavy armoured cavalrymen. The Kipchaks formed a confederation with their neighbours to the west, the Cumans; archaeological finds show that some Cuman warriors in the 12th–14th centuries wore ring-mail, vambraces and greaves, and helmets with face-masks have been found in burials at Kovali, Lipovets and Rotmistrovka. Another type of face protection was a half-mask with a nasal bar covering the upper part, while the lower face was protected by ring-mail attached to the lower edge of the half-mask. This warrior is reconstructed from finds in the burials at Kovali and Lipovets, as well as from Kipchak burials in the Kuban region. The horse's head is protected by a chamfron. Although horse armour was not recorded in Kipchak burials, a chamfron of Middle Eastern type was found in one near the village of Romashki, so it is logical to suggest that the horses of Kipchak mercenaries in Eastern Roman service might have had similar protection.

(2) Katáphraktos, Empire of Nicaea, 1250
Sculptures dated to the 13th century in Rheims Cathedral were realized by a French artist who probably saw Palaeologian warriors with his own eyes, and rendered them in an extraordinarily realistic way. This man is equipped with a low-domed conical helmet (kranos), substantially similar to the specimen preserved in Siegburg; a scale cuirass (sosanion), with rounded plate shoulder-pieces; a round shield (aspis); and splint greaves (chalkotouba). Note, hanging in front of his right leg, his feared war-mace (korrhinê) for close combat. The horse is based on a sgraffito plate from Nicaea.

(3) Macedonian archon, 1260–80
The rarely published paintings from the North Macedonian monastery of Mariovo reveal the splendour of the local archontes under the renewed power of the Paleologian dynasty. This officer, wearing on his head a padded phakeolion, shows the employment of a kazāghand armour (see Responsiones Demetrii Chomatiani, p. 78), made of a mail-shirt covered inside and outside with fabric, fastened by straps and worn over a padded and embroidered red and gold zoupa. It too is furnished with rounded shoulder protectors, and has hanging kremasmata in coarse silk and cotton. The magnificent armour is worn together with a long robe (sticharion) and highly decorated military boots (kampotouvia).




Plate H. THE 14th–15th CENTURIES
(1) Katáphraktos, siege of Vodena, 1351
Reconstructed largely from a painting in Edessa Cathedral (ancient Vodena, Macedonia). His helmet, from a specimen recently found in Anatolia, poses a question about the origin of many nomad helmets, and of the interchange of Kipchak and Eastern Roman military materials. The body armour comprises a gorget worn with a klivánion in which the petala (lamellae) are arranged to form a central disc, typical of Turkic-Mongolian armour of the period; the shape of such corselets was clearly of oriental inspiration. For the other parts of the armour we must imagine a regular arrangement, such as an example with the same type of scales in a 14th-century representation of St Trofimos in the church at Decani; note also the small circular shield. The offensive weapons are a cavalry spear, a sword, a composite bow and a mace. We may suppose that this was the appearance of the 100 ‘local cataphract cavalrymen' mentioned by Kantakouzenos at the siege of Apros in 1322 (I, 29, p. 140).

(2) Heavy cavalryman, Empire of Trebisond, 1360
The Codex of Alexander shows one of the few images of a scale-armour visor in the Roman iconography of the period. It also offers a rare representation of armour made of folides (scales) mounted upon fabric. This chiton folidotos covers the body and upper legs of the warrior, while his horse is unarmoured.

(3) Archon Bandophoros, 1400
This elite officer standard-bearer is interpreted from the description in the Achilleis (vv. 493ff) supported by mural paintings in Cretan churches. His standard (φλάμπουρον or σημάδι) is described as bearing a spread eagle completely embroidered in gold (σταυραετος ὀλόχρυσος) and a purple lion's head (λέοντος στόμα κόκκινον), upon green backgrounds. The armour corresponds with that described in the poem; a combination of scale and plate protection, with a gorget, worn with a late form of Byzantine sallet.

Roman Heavy Cavalry (1) CATAPHRACTARII & CLIBANARII, 1ST CENTURY BC–5TH CENTURY AD

https://forums.taleworlds.com/index.php?threads/best-dressed-warrior.51090/page-431



Early Armored Cavalrymen

 

(1) Romano-Egyptian heavily armoured cavalryman, 31 BC.

 

This figure is copied from part of the famous monument to a senior naval officer of the time of Marcus Antonius, now in the Vatican museum, and from the Mausoleum of the Titeci near Lake Fucinus. He probably represents a member of the kataphraktoi of the Eastern allies of Cleopatra and M. Antonius, or perhaps even a member of their bodyguard. Note the helmet with wide cheek-guards partly protecting the face; the thorax stadios (‘muscled’ or anatomical) cuirass; the shield of scutum type, and the three javelins. Hidden here, his right arm would be covered with articulated ‘hoop’ armour.

 

(2) Romano-Thracian cataphract; Chatalka, c. AD 75−100

 

The armoured cavalryman from the Chatalka burial in Bulgaria may have worn what Arwidson calls ‘belt armour’ – a combination of iron plates, scales and splints in the Iranian tradition. The neck is protected by a thick iron gorget, following the Thracian–Macedonian style; it was made in two pieces connected by a strap, and the outer surface was originally painted red. Surviving individual rings show that it was worn over a separate ringmail collar. Note his magnificent masked helmet (see reconstructions on pages 8-9). The Chatalka burial also included a beautiful sword of Chinese type.







Early Units, 2nd Century AD

 

(1) Sarmatian cataphract; Adygeia, c. 110 AD

 

Archaeological finds at the Gorodoskoy farm site on the ancient Pontic steppes in Adygeia (Russian Federation) revealed the impressive armour of a true Sarmatian cataphractus, a prototype for the Roman armoured contarius. He wears a segmented iron spangenhelm with an attached scale aventail; the skull consists of four vertical pieces with the space between filled with horizontal strips, as depicted on Trajan’s Column. The height of the occupant of the grave was about 1.7m (5ft 6in), and the superb ringmail coat was up to 1.5m long (4ft 11in). At the top it fastened with buckles to the scale aventail. At the bottom it was divided into two flaps, allowing the wearer to sit on a horse with ease; the flaps were wrapped around the legs like trousers, being fastened in this position above the knee and on the shins with wide ringmail strips. Because of the poor preservation of the recovered armour the length of the sleeves is not clear, but given the degree of easy movement that would be required to wield the swords and javelins found in such graves we assume that they ended at the elbows. He carries a long spatha-type sword, but his main weapon is the very long contus sarmaticus.

 

(2) Decurio of Ala Prima Gallorum et Pannoniorum catafractata, 2nd century AD

 

The reconstruction of this junior officer is based on the studies of Gamber. He proposes that the chamfron found at Newstead, Scotland, and other recovered fragments of leather horse armour decorated with rivets, give an idea of the appearance of the mounts used by the early Roman cataphracts. The decurion’s personal armour is reconstructed from Pannonian gravestones and archaeological finds; the troopers also could wear decorated helmets like this Trajanic or Hadrianic example from Brza Palanka, and bronze ocreae (greaves). We have completed him with full-length ‘hooped’ articulated arm protection (the galerus), a cavalry spatha and the contus.

 

(3) Praefectus of an Ala catafractata, late 2nd century AD

 

This unit commander is largely reconstructed from the horseman balteus decoration from Trecenta in the Veneto region of northeast Italy. The officers of the cataphracts wore beautiful decorated helmets of Hellenic taste, here copied from an open-mask specimen ex-Axel Guttman collection (AG451). He is wearing a composite armour formed by a thorax stadios and laminae vertically disposed around the lower trunk, following the system of the Iranian ‘belt armour’, and copper-alloy greaves. Gamber proposes the mace as an officer’s weapon, which may be confirmed by a specimen found in Dura Europos associated with cavalry finds, and by the fighting position of the cavalryman represented on the Trecenta balteus fitting. A regimental commander’s horse equipment would be suitably magnificent; decorated pectoral protections with embossed figures, and partial bronze chamfrons with eye-protectors, have been found near Brescia, Turin, Vienna and in other localities.










First Half of the 3rd Century AD

Primera mitad del siglo III

 

(1) Osrhoenian heavy cavalry sagittarius, army of Severus Alexander; Gallia, AD 235

According to Herodian, Severus Alexander had brought with him for his Rhine frontier campaign a large force of archers from the East including from Osrhoene, together with Parthian deserters and mercenaries. The horse-archers included heavy armoured units; shooting from well beyond the range of the Germans’ weapons, they did great execution among their unarmoured adversaries. We have given this soldier some Roman equipment found in north German bogs, such as the mask helmet from Thorsbjerg and the ringmail shirt from Vimose, integrated with clothing and fittings from Parthian and Hatrene paintings. Iconography (e.g. synagogue painting from Dura), and graffiti suggest that the composite bow and a quiver would have been carried slung from the saddle behind the right leg, convenient for the right hand.

 

(1)  Saggittarius de caballería pesada de Osroene, ejército de Severo Alejandro, Galia, 235

Según Herodiano, Severo Alejandro trajo con él para su campaña en la frontera del Rhin una gran fuerza de arqueros del este incluyendo de Osroene, junto con desertores y mercenarios partos. Los arqueros a caballo incluían unidades fuertemente acorazadas, disparando desde más allá del alcance de los germanos, causaban una gran matanza entre sus enemigos sin armadura. Le hemos dado a este soldado algún equipo romano encontrado en ciénagas de la Germania septentrional, como el casco con máscara-visera de Thorsbjerg y la cota de malla de Vimose, integrados con ropa y adornos de pinturas de Partia y Hatra. La iconografía (es decir la pintura de la sinagoga de Dura), y los grafitos-graffiti sugieren que el arco compuesto y la aljaba se habrían llevado colgados de la silla detrás de la pierna derecha, adecuado para la mano derecha.

 

(2) Cataphractarius of Ala Firma catafractaria, army of Maximinus Thrax; Germania, AD 235

Reconstructed from the stele of the Saluda brothers, he has rich equipment from the Rhine area: a Mainz-Heddernheim style helmet; bronze scale armour from Mainz; and highly decorated greaves embossed with a representation of the god Mars, from Speyer. His weapons and related fittings (spatha, baldric, contus) are copied from finds around Mainz, Nydam, and the Vimose bogs, where a lot of captured Roman equipment relating to the campaigns of Severus Alexander and Maximinus was found. The armour of his horse has been reconstructed from the lesserknown third trapper found in Dura Europos, made of copper-alloy scales, although the prometopidion (chamfron) is from Heddernheim. Under it the horse wears the equine harness from Nydam, including a brown leather muzzle with a bronze boss and fastened with bridle-chains to the rings of the bit.

 

(2)  Cataphractarius del Ala Firma catafractaria, ejército de Maximino el Tracio, Germania, 235

Reconstruido de la estela de los hermanos Saluda, tiene un equipo rico propio de la del Rhin: un casco de estilo Mainz-Heddernhelm, armadura de escamas de bronce de Mainz; y grebas muy decoradas grabadas con una representación del dios Marte, de Speyer. Sus armas y adornos relacionados (spatha, tahalí, contus) están copiados de hallazgos en la zona de Mainz,  Nydam y os pantanos de Vimose, donde fue hallado un montón de equipo romano capturado relacionado con las campañas de Severo Alejandro y de Maximino. La armadura de su caballo ha sido reconstruida del menos conocido tercer jaez-arreos encontrados en Dura Europos, hechos de escamas de aleación de cobre, aunque la prometopidion (testera) es de Hedderheim. Bajo ellos el caballo usa un arnés equino de Nydan, incluyendo un muzzle de cuero castaño con un umbo de bronce y sujeto con unas bridas formadas por cadenas a los anillos del bocado.

 

(3) Clibanarius of a Numerus Palmyrenorum; Dura Europos, mid-3rd century AD

This ‘super-heavy’ cavalryman is reconstructed from the famous clibanarius graffito at Dura Europos (Tower 17). Note his conical mask helmet, and laminated armour covering torso, legs and arms. The limb defences consisted mainly of plates overlapping upwards, as required to throw off enemy spears running up the left arm, unprotected by a shield. Composite scale-and-plate armour similar to Iranian or Palmyrene models, as portrayed in the graffito, covers the trunk. Thigh protection was often associated with greaves, and was found at Dura made of copper alloy and lined with linen. His mount is stronger than the usual Arab breeds, and is protected by the iron-scale trapper – described in the text as number (2) – found at Dura.

 

(3) Cibanario de un Numerus Palmyrenorum, Dura Europos, mediados del siglo III

Este jinete “superpesado” está reconstruido a partir del famoso graffito del clibanario en Dura Europos (Tower 17). Obsérvese su casco cónico con visera, y su armadura laminada cubriendo el torso, las piernas y los brazos. Las defensas de los miembros consistían principalmente en láminas solapadas hacia arriba, …

 

desprotegido por la falta de escudo. La armadura compuesta de escamas y láminas parecida a modelos iranios o de Palmira, como la retratada en el graffito, cubre el tronco. La protección de los muslos a menudo estaba asociada a las grebas, y se encontraron en Dura hechas de aleación de cobre y forradas con lino. Su montura es más fuerte que las razas árabes habituales, y está protegido por los jaeces de escamas de hierro –descritas en el texto como número (2)- encontradas en Dura.





Second Half of the 3rd Century AD

 

(1) Roman clibanarius, Dura Europos, AD 256

 

Reconstructed after the finds from Dura, he and his mount are fully armoured in iron and bronze (copper alloy). The openmasked helmet of Heddernheim typology, whose fragments were found at Dura, is a very rare variant with double protones in the form of eagles; it finds parallels only in a similar helmet formerly in the Axel Guttman collection, and on late Roman coins. The iron ringmail shirt shows rows of bronze rings trimming the ends of the sleeves and the skirt, and is worn in combination with an articulated arm-guard (galerus) of laminated iron plates. Each thigh is protected with a redlacquered leather παραμηρίδιος (thigh-guard) as found in Dura; this had provision for laces to be fastened around the thigh, and extended from the waist to below the knee, below which the man wears bronze greaves. His main weapon is again the contus, this time carried without a shield, and for close work a mace is slung from the saddle.

 

(2) Draconarius of an Ala cataphractariorum; army of Galerius, late 3nd century

 

This standard-bearer is reconstructed from the Arch of Galerius. The equipment of the catafractarii on this monument shows the employment of both ‘ridge’ and segmented helmets, typologically similar to specimens from Kipchak and Kabardino-Balkarie. The lamellar copper-alloy cuirass incorporates decorated iron plates fastening it on the chest, and is worn over a padded thoracomacus furnished with two layers of thick pteryges. Note the employment of high boots, the Egyptianmade tunic decorated with three sleeve stripes (loroi), and the military sagum cloak. His draco is copied from the Niederbieber specimen; the Arch of Galerius carvings represent this standard carried by cataphracts charging against the Persians.

 

(3) Roman cataphractarius of Ala I Iovia cataphractaria; Nubian borders, AD 295

 

Reconstruction from the Roman statue today in the Museum of Nubia at Aswan, which probably represents a trooper of this unit created by Diocletian (r. 284−305) and stationed to safeguard the provincial borders of Aegyptus. The squamae covering his body, arms and legs echo the armour of the Rhoxolani heavy cavalry depicted on Trajan’s Column. The statue is headless; we have given him a spangenhelm from Egypt today preserved at Leiden Museum, correctly reconstructed here with the original nasal guard. The magnificent harness of his horse is taken from the Late Roman horse trappings of the Ballana graves, contemporary to the Dominate period.





First Half of the 4th Century AD

 

(1) Cataphractarius Valerius Maxantius

 

Valerius is reconstructed after his funerary monument, which describes him as an ‘eq(ues) ex numero kata(fractariorum)’. He represents one of the heavy cavalrymen formerly serving under Maxentius who, after Constantine’s victory, were sent to patrol the north-eastern frontiers of the Empire. A strong Sarmatian influence is visible in the scale armour, the padded long-sleeved under-armour garment, and the boots, diffused among the Roman cavalry since the 2nd century. His primary weapon is the contus, but he also wears a long spatha of Iranian origin, copied with its belt from the precious specimen in the Újlak Bécsi út grave near Aquincum (Budapest) in Pannonia. He carries a ridge-helmet of the new typology introduced into the Roman Army during the Tetrarchy, and wears a galericulum to absorb its weight and the force of blows to the head.

 

(2) Centenarius Klaudianus Ingenuus of Numerus equitum catafractariorum seniorum; Lugdunum, Gallia, c. AD 325−350

 

This is copied from his stele, but its date is debatable, and perhaps as late as the early 5th century. The hybrid pseudo-Attic ridge-helmet with its high crest shows a red-orange plume, which is confirmed for the late Roman heavy cavalry by a later mosaic at Santa Maria Maggiore. The other metallic parts of his equipment are the lorica squamata and greaves, which are worn over leather protection and boots, respectively. On his forearms note the decoration of his embroidered túnica manicata, and his long cavalry sagum cloak has a fringed edge. According to his gravestone his two calones (military servants) had a javelin, a shield and a short sword.

 

(3) Draconarius of Numerus equitum catafractariorum seniorum

 

The paintings in the Via Latina catacombs, contemporary to the triumphal procession of Constantius II in Rome, are an often-neglected source illustrating Roman cataphracts. They show the use of old typologies of masked helmets, and the wearing of the thorax stadios muscled cuirass (also attested among the Persian Sassanid clibanarii, recalling traditional links with the Greco-Roman world). Ammianus describes the draco standards carried in Constantius’ procession (this one copied from a specimen found at Carnuntum in Pannonia Superior) as having shafts encrusted with precious stones: ‘he was surrounded by dragons, woven out of purple thread and bound to the golden and jewelled shafts of spears (dracones hastarum aureis gemmatisque summitatibus inligati)’.



Second Half of the 4th Century AD

 

(1) Catafractarius, battle of Argentoratum, AD 357

 

The heavy cavalrymen painted in the catacombs of Dino Compagni (Via Latina), from which we reconstruct this mailed rider, still show at the time of Constantius II and Julian the use of old types of masked helmets with eagle protomes, of the Heddernheim or (as here) Vechten types. Interestingly, this man carries javelins with barbed heads, which are represented on some stelae of catafractarii, like that of Klaudianus. Catafractarii, in contrast to clibanarii, are often represented with the wide shield of the scutarii.

 

(2) Clibanarius of Vexillatio equitum catafractariorum clibanoriorum; Claudiopolis, c. AD 350

 

We are able to reconstruct quite a good image of richlyequipped cataphractarii and clibanarii from iconography together with descriptions in the sources (Pan. IV, 22; Amm. Marc. XVI, 10, 8; Jul. Imp., Or. in Constantii Laudem, I, 37ff ). The predilection of Constantius II for such troops is attested by the numerous regiments raised by him, and quoted in his funerary oration pronounced by Julian. The reconstruction is based partially on the Dura Europos material, but note the ridgehelmet prefiguring the famous 7th-century Sutton Hoo

Germanic specimen; this fits well with a description of clibanarii wearing face-mask helmets (‘personati’). Claudian, in his Panegyrics, describes the distinctions of the armoured cavalrymen of the Imperial retinue: sashes around the waist, peacock feathers on the helmet, and gilded and silvered cuirasses and shoulder-guards. Iconography attests the use of the old-style Roman ‘four-horn’ saddle at least into the first

half of the 5th century.

 

(3) Clibanarius of Schola scutariorum clibanariorum; Constantinople, AD 380

 

For this man we have used a specimen of heavy cavalry helmet of ridge type, and a blazon for his small shield copied from the Notitia Dignitatum (in which the heavy cavalry’s use of battle-axes is also attested). The striking appearance of the clibanarius is noted by Claudian describing the army in Constantinople on 27 November AD 395: ‘It is as though iron statues moved, and men lived cast from that same metal’. On that occasion he mentions plumed helmets (cristato vertice), and armour of flexible scales or laminae fitted to the limbs (conjuncta per artem flexilis inductis animatur lamina membris).






The West, 5th Century AD

 

(1) Catafractarius of the Comites Alani; Mediolanum, Gallia, AD 430

 

The cavalryman is reconstructed from Romano-Sarmatian archaeology in Gallia and northern Italia, also incorporating elements from Pontic finds. These units served under the Magister Militum in Italy, according to the Notitia Dignitatum, which gives us their shield blazon. The man is armoured with bronze squamae of Roman typology, and armed with the contus and long Pontic sword; a specimen of the latter is decorated in the cloisonné style of Constantinople fabrica. Hidden here on the far side of his saddlery is a composite bow and quiver of arrows. The Alani reportedly used the flayed skins of their slain enemies to make horse trappers, and the faces were hung from the horse’s antilena. This rider is using the new type of nomad-style saddle with raised saddlebows front and rear in place of the old four pommels.

 

(2) Clibanarius of Galla Placidia’s buccellarii, c. AD 425–450

 

Bucellarii were personal units raised by an individual rather than the state; the politically active Galla Placidia was the daughter of Theodosius I (r. 379–395), and acted as regent for Valentinian III from 423 to 437. The cavalryman is largely copied from the mosaics in Santa Maria Maggiore. Besides a cuirass of iron lamellae he wears an early example of ‘splint’ armour on his exposed right arm; similar armour has been found in Abkhazian graves of the 5th century, where warriors

were buried with Eastern Roman military equipment. Such specimens have long splints on the outer arm and shorter ones partially covering the inside, over a leather support fastened with buckles; below them and attached by two large rings are hand-protectors of ringmail. Padded leg protection of felt and coarse silk covers the legs down to the shoes, fastened behind with laces and buckled straps.

 

(3) Clibanarius of Equites clibanarii; Cirta, AD 400

 

This trooper is equipped for training. A mosaic at Cirta (Constantine, Algeria) shows cavalrymen of the Western Empire training with javelins and riding caparisoned horses (see Osprey Campaigns 84, Adrianople AD 378, p. 6. Man and horse are protected with quilted armour of an organic material, in the rider’s case probably corresponding to the thoracomacus worn under the heavy armour of the clibanarius. The vestitus equi of his mount may, by contrast, be actual war gear, comparable to those represented on the lost Column of Arcadius and Theodosius. If made with felt padding this kind of caparison would give protection against low-velocity, longrange missiles.



The East, 5th Century AD

 

(1) Cataphractarius of Schola scutariorum secunda or Schola armaturarum seniorum, AD 400

 

The fragments of the lost Column of Arcadius and Theodosius, and the Renaissance-period Freshfields drawings of it, show the lavish equipment of Eastern Roman cavalrymen of the Imperial Guard. Shield blazons engraved on the Column pedestal confirm the presence of the cavalry Scholae Palatinae and Domestici Protectores on the battlefield, armoured with ‘muscle’ cuirasses in metal or leather, and laminated limb armour over ringmail. Claudianus describes the Eastern Roman cataphracts wearing helmets with peacock-feather plumes, and wide red sashes around the body, as signs of their status or unit. Masked helmets with human faces (personati) were still employed by cavalrymen, often decorated in red leather; the Column shows the use of both male and female masks. This last example in Roman art of the use of masked helmets in battle is confirmed by the almost contemporary specimen from Sisak. The written sources also mention units of heavily armoured mounted archers, anticipating the further evolution of the Roman heavy cavalry in the 6th century.

 

(2) Catafractarius of the Equites catafractarii Albigenses, AD 400–425

 

This man is reconstructed from the grave of a cavalryman found on a Balkan battlefield with all his armour. Besides a ridge-helmet, he is protected by a ringmail lorikion, laminated armour on his arms, and thigh protection above his greaves. Apart from the contus, he is armed with a long spatha.

 

(3) Leontoclibanarius; Aegyptus, AD 450–500

 

This Egyptian cavalryman has a helmet of Romano-Sassanian style, fitted with a mail hood aventail which leaves only the eyes uncovered. He wears on his neck and upper breast an early example of scale peritrachìlion, and below this his trunk is covered with a combination of ringmail and scales recalling Iranian styles. Again, his limbs are protected by articulated plates. His weapons again include a battleaxe. Dtinsis (see Bibliography, under Diethart) suggests that the unit’s symbol was a leonine motif which the Notitia Dignitatum shows, perhaps on a small cheiroskoutarion shield. The horse’s neck and forequarters only are armoured partly with bronze scales and partly with padded material (κέντουκλον). Note the chamfron in felt with metallic appliqué, copied from a unique specimen in the Berlin Museum.